Understanding Libya: How the country’s past shapes its present instability

From colonial manipulation to post-Gaddafi collapse, Libya’s crisis is rooted in historical divisions

Originally published on Global Voices

A 1766 view of the city of Tripoli from Biblioteca del Museo di Storia naturale e dell'Acquario civico di Milano on Wikimedia Commons. Public domain. 

By Osama Qatrani

To understand Libya’s present-day crisis, one must first consider the historical, geographical, and ethnic foundations that predate the modern state. Before 1951, there was no unified entity called Libya. Instead, the territory consisted of three distinct regions: Barqa (Cyrenaica) in the east, Tarabulus al-Gharb (Tripolitania) in the west, and Fazzan in the south, each marked by its own ethnic makeup, colonial experience, and political development.

Cyrenaica (Barqa): The eastern anchor

Cyrenaica, whose capital is Benghazi, has historically been the most Arab and tribally oriented of Libya’s regions. Its population maintains deep cultural and linguistic connections with Egypt and Sudan. During World War II, the region came under British military administration after Italian forces lost control to the Allied powers.

In June 1949, following the defeat of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, Britain formally recognized the independence of Cyrenaica under Emir Idris al-Senussi, the spiritual leader of the Senussi Sufi order. This made Cyrenaica the first and only region in North Africa to gain recognized independence before the wave of 1950s–60s decolonization.  Cyrenaica subsequently joined the Arab League as its eighth member and sustained strong diplomatic ties with the United Kingdom.

Fezzan: The forgotten south

Fezzan, with its capital in Sabha, is an ethnically diverse desert region. Its population includes Tuareg, Tebu, Arab minorities, and descendants of sub-Saharan African communities. Historically, it was administered by the French following World War II, although Italy had previously claimed parts of it under its colonial project.

Fezzan’s geography links it more closely to the Sahel than to the Mediterranean, with borders touching Niger, Chad, and Algeria. The region was often neglected by centralized rulers in Tripoli, and even today, it suffers from underdevelopment, human trafficking, and foreign interference.

Tripolitania: Coastal power and colonial legacy

Tripolitania, with Tripoli as its capital, is Libya’s smallest region by area but the most densely populated.

During the Italian colonial period, Tripolitania was closely aligned with Rome. It became a base for Italian settlers and collaborated with Fascist Italy in suppressing anti-colonial resistance.

Historical records, including the Italian archives and eyewitness reports, indicate that during the 1920s and 1930s, Tripolitanian leaders and clerics issued religious endorsements (fatwas) encouraging local fighters to join Italian militias. These forces, known as “the Tripolitanian bands,” participated in operations against Cyrenaican resistance, leading to the arrest, exile, and execution of prominent anti-colonial figures.

In 1937, Italian fascist leader Benito Mussolini received a Libyan delegation, including prominent religious figures from Tripoli such as Sheikh Taher al-Qarmali and Sheikh al-Dhibani, who represented Tripolitania’s Islamic leadership.

This event was part of a broader fascist propaganda campaign designed to fabricate indigenous support for colonial rule and counter the rising influence of the Senussi resistance in Cyrenaica. One of the most symbolic acts was the 1937 ceremony in Tripoli, where Mussolini was awarded the title “Sword of Islam” with the endorsement of Libyan notables. These staged ceremonies served both as colonial spectacle and as ideological tools to undermine anti-colonial movements in the east.

Yusuf Krish holding the Sword of Islam given to Mussolini in Tripoli, 1937, on Wikimedia Commons. Public domain.

The 1951 union and contested identity

With Italy and Germany defeated in World War II, Tripolitania found itself politically isolated. Meanwhile, Cyrenaica had gained early international recognition. In 1951, with United Nations support, a federal union was established under King Idris I, uniting the three regions under the name “Libya.” The name “Libya” had been officially adopted in 1934 following the administrative unification of Tripolitania and Cyrenaica under Italian colonial rule. This was enacted through Royal Decree No. 2012

Federalism abolished and centralization begins (1963–1969)

From 1951 to 1963, Libya functioned as a federal monarchy. Each region had its own parliament and budget. However, the central government, dominated by Tripolitanian elites, abolished federalism in 1963, consolidating power in Tripoli. This shift sparked deep resentment, particularly in the east.

In 1969, Colonel Muammar Gaddafi seized power through a military coup, toppling the monarchy. His regime entrenched centralized authority, dismantled tribal autonomy, and redistributed oil revenues through a non-transparent system of patronage. Both Cyrenaica and Fezzan were systematically marginalized, politically and economically.

The 2011 revolution and return of the old wounds

The 2011 revolution, inspired by the Arab Spring, led to Gaddafi’s downfall. But instead of ushering in unity, it reignited historical grievances. The post-Gaddafi landscape saw the emergence of rival governments, initially between the General National Congress in Tripoli and the House of Representatives in Tobruk, and later between factions aligned with Khalifa Haftar, a prominent Libyan military figure who once served as an officer in Gaddafi’s army before defecting, in the east and UN-backed authorities in the west.

This institutional breakdown not only intensified the civil war but also paved the way for the re-emergence of Libya’s historical regional identities. As central authority weakened, each of the country’s three historical regions began asserting distinct political and cultural aspirations:

Cyrenaica (Barqa), with its legacy of early federalism (1951–1963), called for the restoration of a federal structure that would grant it legislative and financial autonomy. Fezzan, long marginalized in national development, demanded greater control over its resources and local governance. Tripolitania, in contrast, remained fragmented, plagued by competing militias, overlapping centers of power, and entrenched patronage networks.

Recent clashes and the question of unity

In 2024–2025, renewed clashes broke out in Tripoli among rival armed groups vying for control over state institutions and economic resources. Despite the UN’s efforts, Libya has yet to hold national elections.

Many experts now argue that ignoring Libya’s pre-1951 history — its regionalism, diversity, and complex identity — is at the root of the crisis.  

This fragmentation was not merely a product of political rivalry but a deeper reflection of contested legitimacy and divergent visions of Libya’s future. The collapse of the central state, thus, became the catalyst for a revival of regional consciousness, transforming the Libyan conflict into a multidimensional struggle, not just for power, but over identity, governance, and historical justice.